Saturday 7 December 2013

SATURDAY MAIL-6

NELSON MANDELA

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The South African activist and former president Nelson Mandela (1918-2013) helped bring an end to apartheid and has been a global advocate for human rights. A member of the African National Congress party beginning in the 1940s, he was a leader of both peaceful protests and armed resistance against the white minority’s oppressive regime in a racially divided South Africa. His
actions landed him in prison for nearly three decades and made him the face of the antiapartheid movement both within his country and internationally. Released in 1990, he participated in the eradication of apartheid and in 1994 became the first black president of South Africa, forming a multi ethnic government to oversee the country’s transition. after retiring from politics in 1999, he remained a devoted champion for peace and social justice in his own nation and around the world until his death in 2013 at the age of 95.

Childhood and Education

Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, into a royal family of the Xhosa-speaking Thembu tribe in the South African village of Mvezo, where his father, Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa (c. 1880-1928), served as chief. His mother, Nosekeni Fanny, was the third of Mphakanyiswa’s four wives, who together bore him nine daughters and four sons. After the death of his father in 1927, 9-year-old Mandela—then known by his birth name, Rolihlahla—
was adopted by Jongintaba Dalindyebo, a high-ranking Thembu regent who began grooming his young ward for a role within the tribal leadership.
      The first in his family to receive a formal education, Mandela completed his primary studies at a local missionary school. There, a teacher dubbed him Nelson as part of a common practice of giving African students English names. He went on to attend the Clarkebury Boarding Institute and Healdtown, a Methodist secondary school, where he excelled in boxing and track as well as academics. In 1939 Mandela entered the elite University of Fort Hare, the only Western-style higher learning institute for South African blacks at the time.
The following year, he and several other students, including his friend and future business partner Oliver Tambo (1917-1993), were sent home for participating in a boycott against university policies.
   After learning that his guardian had arranged a marriage for him, Mandela fled to Johannesburg and worked first as a night watchman and then as a law clerk while completing his bachelor’s degree by correspondence. He studied law at the University of Witwatersrand, where he became involved in the movement against racial discrimination and forged key relationships with black and white activists. In 1944, Mandela joined the African National Congress (ANC) and worked with fellow party members, including Oliver Tambo, to establish its youth league, the ANCYL. That same year, he met and married his first wife,
Evelyn Ntoko Mase (1922-2004), with whom he had four children before their divorce in 1957.

Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress

Nelson Mandela’s commitment to politics and the ANC grew stronger after the 1948 election victory of the Afrikaner-dominated National Party, which introduced a formal system of racial classification and segregation—apartheid—that restricted nonwhites’ basic rights and barred them from government while maintaining white minority rule. The following year, the
ANC adopted the ANCYL’s plan to achieve full citizenship for all South Africans through boycotts, strikes, civil disobedience and other nonviolent methods. Mandela helped lead the ANC’s 1952 Campaign for the Defiance of Unjust Laws, traveling across the country to organize protests against discriminatory policies, and promoted the manifesto known as the Freedom Charter, ratified by the Congress of the People in 1955. Also in 1952, Mandela and Tambo opened South Africa’s first black law firm, which offered free or low-cost legal counsel to those affected by apartheid legislation.
     On December 5, 1956, Mandela and 155 other activists were arrested and went on trial for treason. All of the defendants were acquitted in 1961, but in the meantime tensions within the ANC escalated, with a militant faction splitting off in 1959 to form the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). The next year, police opened fire on peaceful black protesters in the township of Sharpeville, killing 69 people; as panic, anger and riots swept the country in the massacre’s aftermath, the apartheid government banned both the ANC and the PAC. Forced to go underground and wear disguises to evade detection, Mandela decided that the time had come for a more radical approach than passive resistance.

Nelson Mandela and the Armed Resistance Movement

In 1961, Nelson Mandela co-founded and became the first leader of Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), also known as MK, a new armed wing of the ANC. Several years later, during the trial that would put him behind bars for nearly three decades, he described the reasoning for this radical departure from his party’s original tenets: “[I]t would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and nonviolence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force. It was only when all else had
failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle.”
    Under Mandela’s leadership, MK launched a sabotage campaign against the government, which had recently declared South Africa a republic and withdrawn from the British Commonwealth. In January 1962, Mandela traveled abroad illegally to attend a conference of African nationalist leaders in Ethiopia,  visit the exiled Oliver Tambo in London and undergo guerilla training in Algeria. On August 5, shortly after his return, he was arrested and
subsequently sentenced to five years in prison for leaving the country and inciting a 1961 workers’ strike. The following July, police raided an ANC hideout in Rivonia, a suburb on the outskirts of Johannesburg, and arrested a racially diverse group of MK leaders who had gathered to debate the merits of a guerilla insurgency. Evidence was found implicating Mandela and other activists, who were brought to stand trial for sabotage, treason and violent conspiracy alongside their associates.
     Mandela and seven other defendants narrowly escaped the gallows and were instead sentenced to life imprisonment during the so-called Rivonia Trial, which lasted eight months and attracted substantial international attention. In a stirring opening statement that sealed his iconic status around the world, Mandela admitted to some of the charges against him while defending the ANC’s actions and denouncing the injustices of apartheid. He ended with the
following words: “I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

Nelson Mandela's Years Behind Bars

Nelson Mandela spent the first 18 of his 27 years in jail at the brutal Robben Island Prison, a former leper colony off the coast of Cape Town, where he was confined to a small cell without a bed or plumbing and compelled to do hard labor in a lime quarry. As a black political prisoner, he received scantier rations and fewer privileges than other inmates. He was only allowed to see his wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela (1936-), who he had married in 1958 and was the mother of his two young daughters, once every six months. Mandela and
his fellow prisoners were routinely subjected to inhumane punishments for the slightest of offenses; among other atrocities, there were reports of guards burying inmates in the ground  up to their necks and urinating on them.
     These restrictions and conditions notwithstanding, while in confinement Mandela earned abachelor of law degree from the University of London and served as a mentor to his fellow prisoners, encouraging them to seek better treatment through nonviolent resistance. He also smuggled out political statements and a draft of his autobiography, “Long Walk to Freedom,”
published five years after his release.
     Despite his forced retreat from the spotlight, Mandela remained the symbolic leader of the antiapartheid movement. In 1980 Oliver Tambo introduced a “Free Nelson Mandela” campaign that made the jailed leader a household name and fueled the growing international outcry against South Africa’s racist regime. As pressure mounted, the government offered Mandela his freedom in exchange for various political compromises, including the renouncement of violence and recognition of the “independent” Transkei Bantustan, but he categorically rejected these deals.
     In 1982 Mandela was moved to Pollsmoor Prison on the mainland, and in 1988 he was placed under house arrest on the grounds of a minimum-security correctional facility. The following year, newly elected president F. W. de Klerk (1936-) lifted the ban on the ANC and called for a nonracist South Africa, breaking with the conservatives in his party. On February 11, 1990, he ordered Mandela’s release.

Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa

After attaining his freedom, Nelson Mandela led the ANC in its negotiations with the governing National Party and various other South African political organizations for an end to apartheid and the establishment of a multiracial government. Though fraught with tension and conducted against a backdrop of political instability, the talks earned Mandela and de Klerk the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1993. On April 26, 1994, more than 22 million South Africans turned out to cast ballots in the country's first multiracial parliamentary
elections in history. An overwhelming majority chose the ANC to lead the country, and on May 10 Mandela was sworn in as the first black president of South Africa, with de Klerk serving as his first deputy.
    As president, Mandela established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate human rights and political violations committed by both supporters and opponents of apartheid between 1960 and 1994. He also introduced numerous social and economic programs designed to improve the living standards of South Africa's black population. In 1996 Mandela presided over the enactment of a new South African constitution, which established a strong central government based on majority rule and prohibited discrimination
against minorities, including whites.
     Improving race relations, discouraging blacks from retaliating against the white minority and building a new international image of a united South Africa were central to President Mandela’s agenda. To these ends, he formed a multiracial “Government of National Unity” and proclaimed the country a “rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.” In a gesture seen as a major step toward reconciliation, he encouraged blacks and whites alike to rally
around the predominantly Afrikaner national rugby team when South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup.
      On his 80th birthday in 1998, Mandela wed the politician and humanitarian Graça Machel (1945-), widow of the former president of Mozambique. (His marriage to Winnie had ended in divorce in 1992.) The following year, he retired from politics at the end of his first term as president and was succeeded by his deputy, Thabo Mbeki (1942-) of the ANC.

Nelson Mandela's Later Years and Legacy

After leaving office, Nelson Mandela remained a devoted champion for peace and social justice in his own country and around the world. He established a number of organizations, including the influential Nelson Mandela Foundation and The Elders, an independent group of public figures committed to addressing global problems and easing human suffering. In 2002, Mandela became a vocal advocate of AIDS awareness and treatment programs in a culture where the epidemic had been cloaked in stigma and ignorance. The disease later claimed the life of his son Makgatho (1950-2005) and is believed to affect more people in
South Africa than in any other country.
    Treated for prostate cancer in 2001 and weakened by other health issues, Mandela grew increasingly frail in his later years and scaled back his schedule of public appearances. In 2009, the United Nations declared July 18 “Nelson Mandela International Day” in recognition of the South African leader’s contributions to democracy, freedom, peace and human rights around the world. Nelson Mandela died on December 5, 2013 from a recurring lung infection.

Friday 29 November 2013

Saturday Mail: MAOISTS : INDIA'S OWN THREAT


MAOISTS : INDIA'S OWN THREAT

Maoists in India have become the gravest threat to our country. The extent and magnitude of the Maoists operations are so gigantic that they are affecting the social, economic and political and even the well being of our country. No wonder Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has described the Maoist as the biggest challenge to our national security. Maoist also called Naxals in Indian context refers to the armed insurgency by the cadres of Bhakpa Male, Tritiya Prastuti Committee, and People's Liberation Front of India etc.
The followers of Maoism believe that the means of production and resources existing in the world are concentrated in the hands of exploiters. Hence they like to overthrow them, even if it means by armed means and should be re-placed by a system that is to be in the hands of the masses.
In India, Maoists have planned to overthrow the democratic system of governance by 2050 and replace it by their own system of governance gain complete control over the country. Maoism has originated in India from West Bengal at a place called Naxalbari. In the initial days, it was a motley collection of students, farmers and intellectuals that was led by two leaders Charu Mazumdar and Kanu Sanyal.
Initially those who felt dissatisfied and neglected joined this extreme left bandwagon. But soon Maoists have spread to the other states. Maoist rebels now control and run a parallel government in as many as 10 states. Over the last few years, more people have died as a result of Maoist insurgency than due to any other kind of militant movement in the country.
The Maoists have complete disregard for democracy, laws and human values. They have been committing crimes like abduction and killings with impunity. Whether it is abduction and killing of Jharkhand policemen 'Francis Induwar' or the attack on the convoy of a political party in Bastar, all demonstrate the ruthless attitude of the Maoists.
According to intelligence agencies estimates, the total number of Maoists cadres in country could be about 50,000 and the majority of them being below 25. The Maoist have an annual budget of rupee 10,000 crore. Majority of it comes in form of extortion (levy), illicit drugs cultivation and covert aid. On an average, Maoists demand a levy of 15-20% on any government or private funded activity. As a result, no commercial entity is willing to work in the areas of Maoist dominance. Hence the affected areas have no roads, factories or even cottage industries. Thus the people there do not get any jobs and are ultimately forced to join the rank and file of the Maoists.
Recently, a few splinter groups have broken off from the main Maoist group CPI-ML and formed their own organizations. These groups are fighting regular turf wars for dominance and control over their respective areas. In the beginning the Maoist movement may have been one of some disgruntled elements but now it has completely evolved into armed insurgent groups.
Maoists from the very beginning have been open to receiving foreign aid and assistance. It's proved by the recovery of foreign made weapons from them. It also found out that trainers from countries like China, Philippines, and Ireland have arrived in our country to provide training in Guerrilla warfare to the Maoists. The Maoists have also been trying to join hands with the various international communist insurgent groups such as the Nepali Maoists, FARC, Irish republican army etc. It has been confirmed that Maoists have links with the Kashmiri separatists and North-East insurgent groups.
All these instances clearly points that Maoists are anti-national elements and be dealt accordingly. In dealing with the Maoists, the Indian Penal Code Chapter VI that deals with offences against the state, S.121 Waging war against government, S.124-A sedition which has been further supplemented by laws such as National security Act, should be strictly implemented. A message of deterrence must be sent to them that no enemies of the nation will be tolerated by the Indian leadership or the governing elite. However, care should be exercised to avoid collateral damage and those who have joined the ranks of Maoists forcefully should be allowed to join the mainstream and lead a normal life.
A carrot and stick policy should be adopted and the disgruntled Maoist cadres should be won over by a good rehabilitation package. Recruitment drives and employment counseling camps should be held in the affected areas to rope in unemployed youths. In the Maoist affected area establishing block offices, primary and secondary schools, hospitals, village panchayat offices etc should be the priority. Civil authorities should make sure that beneficial measures such as public distribution system reach the needy speedily.
Lessons should be learnt from the Andhra Pradesh which was one of the worst sufferers of Maoist violence. However by adopting a multi-pronged strategy, the government has succeeded in eliminating the Maoists from that state. The special police force 'Greyhounds' established by the Andhra Pradesh authorities succeeded in almost wiping out the Maoists from state.
This was quickly followed by establishing all necessary infrastructure (like roads, schools, hospitals and beneficiary schemes) to bring about the oppressed and deprived people on par with the mainstream society. Andhra Pradesh as a result today is free from clutches of the Maoists.
Maoism didn't take shape in one day; neither will it go away in one day. Fighting Maoism will take years. If the measures mentioned are implemented rigorously, the days are not far when India will be free from all these trouble mongering entities. If India has to race towards its ultimate goal of providing peace and security to its citizens, then the problem of Maoist insurgency has to be sternly dealt with.

Saturday 23 November 2013

SATURDAY MAIL...

Indian political system And Criminals control

---Navin B. Chawla (former Chief Election Commissioner of India)

Criminality in politics, or more pointedly, criminals sitting in our Parliament and legislatures, is an issue that has for long been debated in many forums and has also been at the forefront of reform proposals sent by the Election Commission of India (ECI) to the government. With elections to five States under way, and the 16th General Election due to be completed before May 31, 2014, India is now gripped by that special fever that besets us every five years. Unexpectedly, part of the backdrop already stands influenced by a few recent decisions of the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court has importantly passed three orders that relate directly to the conduct of elections. The first relates to the distribution of “freebies”, wherein the ECI has been asked to frame guidelines in consultation with political parties. The second is directing the installation of the None-of-The-Above (NOTA) button in the Electronic Voting Machines, which has already been implemented in the current round of Assembly elections. The third is the court’s order of July 10, 2013 in the Lily Thomas vs Union of India matter, wherein the Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional Section 8 (4) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. The importance of this order cannot be overemphasised. The position that prevailed before this order was enacted was that all convicted MPs and MLAs enjoyed a three-month period in which to appeal against their conviction, and during this period they crucially retained their memberships in Parliament or legislatures respectively. What has changed is that while they still have the right to appeal, now they immediately cease to be members the House. While previously they were able to file appeals within the stipulated three months without giving up their membership, they managed, in effect, to remain MPs or MLAs often for long years after their terms had expired. Not only have these orders already impacted the elections under way but they will continue to have a profound impact on cleansing our political system.
The Lily Thomas matter was applied by the court prospectively and not retrospectively. The court would have had many reasons not to apply its order retrospectively, not the least of which is that it would possibly have thrown our current polity into disarray. Be that as it may, in the present and future, every parliamentarian or legislator who stands convicted for an offence that leads to a sentence of imprisonment for two years and more, will also be debarred from contesting an election for six years after his or her prison term ends. Moreover and equally importantly, there are offences which are already on the statute book and where conviction (even without sentence of imprisonment) leads to disqualification. These include conviction for rape, for promoting enmity and hatred between and among different classes or groups, conviction relating to bribery, and conviction under the Prevention of Corruption Act, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA) and The Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002 (POTA). Once again, since the grace period for remaining an MP or MLA has ended, this in effect means that the six year axe of debarment comes immediately into operation in these categories of cases as well.
Criminals among MPs, MLAs
Close on the heels of this order, the nation witnessed the jailing of Lalu Prasad, the president of a once nationally recognised political party, the RJD, as well as Rasheed Masood, a former Minister and sitting MP of the Rajya Sabha. While both stand debarred from contesting elections for six years after their jail terms are completed, in effect such a long banishment might well put an end to their political careers. For, as is well known, politics abhors a vacuum.
The abhorrence of criminality in politics is a common thread running through practically every student audience I have addressed across India in the last seven years. They are well aware of the figures compiled by non-governmental organisations such as NEW and ADR from the affidavits submitted to the ECI by contestants. Two vital orders of the Supreme Court in 2002 and 2003 made it compulsory for all candidates to file information regarding any and all criminal cases pending against them, as well as figures of the combined wealth or assets of the candidates and their spouses, and indeed their educational qualifications. With this information, the court hoped that voters could make informed choices about whom to vote for or not. Most of my student audiences knew the statistics; that in the present Parliament as many as 30 per cent of sitting Lok Sabha MPs and 31 per cent of Rajya Sabha MPs have criminal cases pending against them, that the Bihar Assembly (2010) has a high of 58 per cent criminals among its MLAs, while the Uttar Pradesh Assembly (2012) has 41 per cent. The Congress has 21 per cent declared criminals; the Bharatiya Janata Party has 31 per cent. At the other extreme, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha has 82 per cent criminals among its MPs and MLAs.
Is it any surprise then that student audiences inevitably ask what is the point of clean election processes if the end result is to elect tainted men and women?
When the government decided to rush headlong into enacting an Ordinance to counter the July 10, 2013 Order of the Supreme Court, this resulted in a surge of public sentiment bordering on revulsion, against what would arguably have been a very regressive step in the development of our democratic institutions. The dramatic demise of the proposed Ordinance ironically became a critically important milestone in the strengthening of our democratic edifice, which I think many of us realise is still a work in progress.
Three issues
In the rash of commentaries that followed the Supreme Court Order of July 10, followed in turn by the legislative proposals sought to be placed before the winter session of Parliament and finally by the Ordinance that the Cabinet cleared, I would like to comment on three issues. First, it is no secret that many politicians have their own criminal elements to protect and whom they need to use in elections to round up voters. They spend clandestinely and sometimes devise mafia-like strategies to reinforce the “winnability” concept that has now come to be the “mantra” which has displaced any truly democratic relationship between candidates and the public whom they seek to represent. Hence the political establishment quickly closed ranks in favour of the Ordinance.
The second issue to my mind was whether the President (who called in senior Ministers for consultation to raise questions and seek clarifications), would have signed this Ordinance, or whether he would have just let it asphyxiate itself.
The third issue is that it took Rahul Gandhi to speak out and publicly criticise the Ordinance. In the aftermath of his intervention, the cacophony of opinions on our news channels reached a crescendo. One of the few voices that I managed to hear over the din of panellists and anchors, was that of The Hindu’s N. Ram, who cut aside all rhetoric on the non-use of parliamentary language by saying, “Rahul Gandhi single-handedly killed the wretched Ordinance. Instead of acknowledging that, do we need to make a fuss about the words he used?”
For what we must also recognise is that if this Ordinance had been passed, it would have officially endorsed that criminality in parliamentary ranks was perfectly acceptable. It would also have rendered our elected representatives even more distant from our people. Not only that, it would almost certainly have put the Executive and the Supreme Court on a collision course, leading to unnecessarily troubled relations between vital institutions. We have only to look in our own neighbourhood to understand how such conflicts have in varying measure stunted the growth of democratic structures.
I read in the press with increasing disappointment that many political leaders and parties including the Congress and the BJP have since given the ticket in these elections to either criminals or to their family members as proxies. This, sadly, concedes the “winnability” factor over “clean” politics.
Surely the time is finally here for all political parties to jointly agree to step away from sponsoring criminal candidates. It would be in their long-term interest to do so, because now some ground realities have changed, for upon conviction such candidates would have to resign anyway and make way for by-elections. In the short-term, they may win an election, but in the longer term they will, once again, strike a blow to the development of a healthy, wholesome and robust democracy that our freedom fighters fought for, and our constitutional framers had envisaged.

Sunday 20 October 2013

e-Magazine Released

"ചുവടുകൾ" പ്രകാശനം ചെയ്തു 


An e-Magazine with articles collected from STEPpets is released on 20 October 2013. STEP (Student Talent Empowering Program) is a Civil Service Orientation Project under TREND Kerala.


* Click here to download issues of e-Magazine...







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Thursday 19 September 2013

ലക്ഷ്യ ബോധത്തിന്റെ മാറ്റ് വർദ്ധിപ്പിച് സ്റ്റെപ് സിവിൽ സർവീസ് പരിശീലനം



മലപ്പുറം : വിദ്യാഭ്യാസത്തിന്റെ അത്യുന്നത ലക്ഷ്യങ്ങളിലെത്തിച്ചേരാനുളള ദൃഢ നിശ്ചയവുമായി ഒത്തു ചേര്‍ന്നവര്‍ക്ക് അവിസ്മരണീയമായ അനുഭവമായി STEP അവധിക്കാല സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലന ക്യാമ്പ്. SKSSF TREND ന് കീഴില്‍ നടക്കുന്ന സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലനത്തിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി പെരിന്തല്‍മണ്ണ എം ഇ എ എന്‍ജിനീയറിങ് കോളേജ് കാമ്പസില്‍ നടന്ന സ്‌റ്റെപ്പ് ത്രിദിന റസിഡന്‍ഷ്യല്‍ ക്യാമ്പാണ് വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികള്‍ക്ക് ലക്ഷ്യബോധത്തിന്റെ പുതിയ പഠനാനുഭവങ്ങള്‍ സമ്മാനിച്ചത്. സംസ്ഥാന പ്രസിഡന്റ് പാണക്കാട് സയ്യിദ് അബ്ബാസലി ശിഹാബ് തങ്ങള്‍ ക്യാമ്പ് ഉല്‍ഘാടനം ചെയ്തു. അഡ്വ. എം. ഉമര്‍ എം എല്‍ എ മുഖ്യാഥിതിയായിരുന്നു. പഠനാര്‍ഹവും ശ്രദ്ധേയവുമായ വിവിധ സെഷനുകളില്‍ മുഹമ്മദലി ശിഹാബ് IAS, ജിജോ മാത്യുജിതേഷ് കണ്ണൂര്‍ , അരുണ്‍ കുമാര്‍ , അബൂബക്കര്‍ സിദ്ധീഖ് സി.കെജാഫര്‍ താനൂര്‍ , എസ് വി മുഹമ്മദലി, സത്താര്‍ പന്തല്ലൂര്‍ വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളുമായി സംവദിച്ചു. കലാ സാഹിത്യവേദിയില്‍ ഫരീദ് റഹ്മാനി കാളികാവ് നേതൃത്വം നല്‍കിബശീര്‍ ഫൈസി ദേശമംഗലം ഉല്‍ബോധനം നടത്തി. സ്‌റ്റെപ്പ് സംസ്ഥാന കോഡിനേറ്റര്‍ റഷിദ് കോടിയൂറ ആമുഖ ഭാഷണം നടത്തി. ട്രന്റ് കണ്‍വീനര്‍ റിയാസ് നരിക്കുനി സ്വാഗതവും മുനീര്‍ കൊഴിലാണ്ടി നന്ദിയും പറഞ്ഞു.

 Download photos:
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Monday 9 September 2013

STEP സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലനം 14, 15, 16 തിയ്യതികളില്‍ പെരിന്തല്‍മണ്ണയില്‍

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കോഴിക്കോട് : ഷാര്‍ജ, അബൂദാബി സംസ്ഥാന കമ്മറ്റികളുടെ സഹകരണത്തോടെ SKSSF ട്രെന്റിന് കീഴില്‍ നടക്കുന്ന സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലന പദ്ധതിയായ സ്‌റെറപ്പിന്റെ അവധിക്കാല പരിശീലന ക്യാമ്പ് സെപ്തം. 14, 15, 16 തിയ്യതികളില്‍ പെരിന്തല്‍മണ്ണ എം..എ എഞ്ചിനീയറിംഗ് കോളേജില്‍ വെച്ച് നടക്കും. മൂന്നാം വര്‍ഷ പരിശീലനം നേടുന്ന സ്‌റെറപ് ഒന്നാം ബാച്ച് വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളും പുതിയ ബാച്ചിലെ വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളുമാണ് ക്യാമ്പില്‍ പങ്കെടുക്കുക. എം. .എ ക്യാമ്പസിലെ രണ്ട് വേദികളിലായി നടക്കുന്ന ക്യാമ്പില്‍ വിവിധ ജില്ലകളില്‍ നിന്നുള്ള മുന്നൂറ് വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികള്‍ പങ്കെടുക്കും. 14 ന് നടക്കുന്ന ഉല്‍ഘാടന സെഷനില്‍ SKSSF സംസ്ഥാന പ്രസിഡന്റ് പാണക്കാട് സയ്യിദ് അബ്ബാസലി ശിഹാബ് തങ്ങള്‍ , അഡ്വ.എം. ഉമ്മര്‍ MLA, സത്താര്‍ പന്തല്ലൂര്‍ , ബഷീര്‍ ഫൈസി ദേശമംഗലം സംബന്ധിക്കും. വിവിധ പഠന സെഷനുകളില്‍ മുഹമ്മദലി ശിഹാബ് IAS, ഡോ. അദീല അബ്ദുല്ല IAS, ജിതേശ് കണ്ണൂര്‍ , അരുണ്‍ കുമാര്‍ , ജിജോ മാത്യു, ആഷിഫ് കെ.പി, അബൂബക്കര്‍ സിദ്ധീഖ് സി.കെ, എസ്.വി മുഹമ്മദലി, ജാഫര്‍ താനൂര്‍ , നൗഷാദ് വളപ്പില്‍ തുടങ്ങിയവര്‍ വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളുമായി സംവദിക്കും. സര്‍ഗ്ഗ വേദിയില്‍ ഫരീദ് റഹ്മാനി നേതൃത്വം നല്‍കും. ക്യാമ്പിനോടനുബന്ധിച്ച് രക്ഷാകര്‍തൃ സംഗമവും ക്യാമ്പിന് നേതൃത്വം നല്‍കുന്ന മെന്റേഴ്‌സിനുള്ളപ്രത്യേക പരിശീലനവും നടക്കും
ട്രെന്‍്‌റ് സംസ്ഥാന സമിതി യോഗത്തില്‍ എസ്.വി. മുഹമ്മദലി മാസ്റ്റര്‍ അദ്ധ്യക്ഷത വഹിച്ചു. അലി കെ വയനാട്, റഹീം ചുഴലി, റിയാസ് നരിക്കുനി, ശംസുദ്ധീന്‍ ഒഴുകൂര്‍ , റഷീദ് കൊടിയൂറ, ഹനീഫ് ഹുദവി, ഖയ്യൂം കടമ്പോട്, റഷീദ് കംബ്ലക്കാട് എന്നിവര്‍ പ്രസംഗിച്ചു.

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Thursday 29 August 2013

"സ്റ്റെപ് "സിവിൽ സർവീസ് ക്യാമ്പ്‌ പെരിന്തൽമണ്ണയിൽ



കോഴിക്കോട് : എസ്.കെ.എസ്.എസ്.എഫ് വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ വിഭാഗമായ ട്രെൻഡിന്റെ കീഴിൽ നടത്തപ്പെടുന്ന "സ്റ്റെപ് " സിവിൽ സർവീസ് ഓറിയന്റെഷൻ പ്രോജെക്ടിന്റെ ഷാർജ സ്റ്റേറ്റ് എസ്.കെ.എസ്.എസ്.എഫിന്റെ സഹകരണത്തോടെ ആരംഭിച്ച ഒന്നാം ബാച്ചിന്റെ അഞ്ചാമതും , അബൂദാബി സ്റ്റേറ്റ് എസ്.കെ.എസ്.എസ്.എഫിന്റെ സഹകരണത്തോടെ ആരംഭിച്ച രണ്ടാം ബാച്ചിന്റെ ആദ്യ ക്യാമ്പും സെപ്റ്റംബർ 14,15,16 തിയ്യതികളിൽ പെരിന്തൽമണ്ണ എം..എ എന്ജിനീയറിംഗ് കോളേജിൽ വെച്ച് നടക്കും. കേരളത്തിലെ പതിനാലു ജില്ലകളിൽ നിന്നായി ഇരുന്നൂറ്റി അൻപത് വിദ്യാർഥികൾ ക്യാമ്പിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കും.
ക്യാമ്പ്‌ സെപ്റ്റംബർ 14ന് 10 മണിക്ക് പാണക്കാട് സയ്യിദ് അബ്ബാസലി ശിഹാബ് തങ്ങൾ ഉദ്ഘാടനം ചെയ്യും, ഡോ.അദീല ഐ..എസ്, ഡോ.മുഹമ്മദ്‌ ഹനീഷ്, ബഷീർ ഫൈസി ദേശമംഗലം, സി.ഹംസ സാഹിബ്‌, എസ്.വി മുഹമ്മദലി എന്നിവർ പങ്കെടുക്കും. സിവിൽ സർവീസ് ട്രൈനർമാരായ ജിജോ മാത്യു, കെ.പി ആഷിഫ്‌, സി.കെ അബൂബക്കർ സിദ്ധീഖ്, ജിതേഷ് കണ്ണൂർ, ജാഫർ താനൂർ തുടങ്ങിയവർ വിവിധ സെഷനുകളിൽ ക്ലാസ്സെടുക്കും.
മെന്റെഴ്സിനും ഒഫീഷ്യൽസിനും ഉള്ള ട്രെയിനിംഗ് സെപ്റ്റംബർ 13ന് 2മണി മുതൽ നടക്കും. സാലിം ഫൈസി കൊളത്തൂർ, ഡോ.സുബൈർ ഹുദവി ചേകന്നൂര് തുടങ്ങിയവർ ക്ലാസ്സെടുക്കും. കൃത്യ സമയത്ത് എത്തിച്ചേരണമെന്നു കോഡിനെറ്റർ റഷീദ് കോടിയൂറ അറിയിച്ചു.

Thursday 2 May 2013

'TREND' സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലനം; പുതിയ ബാച്ച് ഉദ്ഘാടനം മെയ് 5 ന്


കോഴിക്കോട് : SKSSF വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ-ഗൈഡന്‍സ് വിഭാഗമായ ട്രന്റിന് കീഴില്‍ സിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് പരിശീലനത്തിനായി നടക്കുന്ന 'സ്റ്റെപ്പദ്ധതിയുടെ പുതിയ ബാച്ച് മെയ് നു രാവിലെ 10 മണിക്ക് കേരള സഹകരണ വകുപ്പ് മന്ത്രി സി.എന്‍ ബാലകൃഷ്ണന്‍ ഉദ്ഘാടനം ചെയ്യുംകേരളത്തിലെ മുഴുവന്‍ ജില്ലകളില്‍ നിന്നുമായി വിവിധ ഘട്ടങ്ങളില്‍ നടത്തിയ പൊതുപ്രവേശന പരീക്ഷയിലൂടെ തെരഞ്ഞെടുക്കപ്പെട്ട വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികള്‍ക്കാണ് സ്റ്റെപ് പരിശീലനം നല്‍കുന്നത്അബുദാബി സ്റ്റേറ്റ് എസ്.കെ.എസ്.എസ്.എഫിന്റെ സഹകരണത്തോടെ തുടര്‍ച്ചയായ അഞ്ചു വര്‍ഷമാണ് പരിശീലനം നല്‍കുകസിവില്‍ സര്‍വീസ് രംഗത്ത് കേരളത്തിലെ വിദ്യാര്‍ത്ഥികളുടെ സാന്നിദ്ധ്യം വര്‍ദ്ദിപ്പിക്കുക എന്ന ലക്ഷ്യത്തോടെ ആരംഭിച്ച സ്‌റ്റെപ് പദ്ധതി ഷാര്‍ജ സ്റ്റേറ്റ് എസ്.കെ.എസ്.എസ്.എഫിന്റെ സഹകരണത്തോടെ കഴിഞ്ഞ വര്‍ഷം പരിശീലനം ആരംഭിക്കുകയുണ്ടായി.
തൃശൂര്‍ അറഫ കാമ്പസില്‍ നടക്കുന്ന ഉദ്ഘാടനച്ചടങ്ങില്‍ പാണക്കാട് സയ്യിദ് മുനവ്വറലി ശിഹാബ് തങ്ങള്‍ അധ്യക്ഷത വഹിക്കുംഓണംപിള്ളി മുഹമ്മദ് ഫൈസി,സയ്യിദ് അബ്ദുറഹ്മാന്‍ തങ്ങള്‍ അബൂദാബികെ.എം ഹംസ തുടങ്ങിയ പ്രമുഖര്‍ പങ്കെടുക്കുംവിവിധ സെഷനുകളിലായി പ്രൊഫ.നാഗരാജന്‍ ഡല്‍ഹിഎം.എം റഫീഖ് ഷാര്‍ജഎസ്.വി മുഹമ്മദലി ക്ലാസെടുക്കും.
സംസ്ഥാന സമിതി യോഗത്തില്‍ ശാഹുല്‍ ഹമീദ് മേല്‍മുറി അധ്യക്ഷത വഹിച്ചുറഹീം ചുഴലിഖയ്യൂം കടമ്പോട്അലി.കെ.വയനാട് പ്രസംഗിച്ചുറിയാസ് നരിക്കുനി സ്വാഗതവും റഷീദ് കോടിയൂറ നന്ദിയും പറഞ്ഞു

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STEP-I Camp Schedule

Wednesday 9 January 2013

STEP-II Final Result Published


Final selection list of candidate for STEP Civil Service Orientation Project under SKSSF TREND is published....

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